Monthly Archives: April 2009

Airtel mobile phone scam

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I use an Airtel SIM card, which is one of the largest service providers in India. A few months ago, I received a call from them about choosing a caller tune for my mobile. The automated system played a few songs and instructed me to press 3 if I wanted to select a song as my caller tune. It also mentioned that pressing 3 would subscribe me to the service for a week at a charge of Rs. 10. I intended to hang up but mistakenly pressed 3 instead of the red button located just above it, thereby subscribing to the service.

Initially, I didn’t mind as I knew the subscription was only for a week. However, the following week, I received a message saying my subscription had been renewed, which I did not want. I tried to contact customer care but was unable to, due to my lifetime validity plan. I visited their office, only to be told that lifetime plan customers could not access customer care services. It seemed that customers with lifetime plans were being treated unfairly, perhaps because they paid less.

The situation continued for three months, during which I noticed a consistent loss of balance without understanding where it was going. I thought someone else might be using my mobile, causing a negative balance. Whenever I recharged, it seemed to cover previous deductions. After a few months, I switched to a monthly billing system to receive a detailed bill. I was shocked to discover that my first month’s bill included a charge of Rs. 68 for the caller tune.

If I had subscribed to the caller tune on a monthly basis, it would have cost Rs. 30 per month. Instead, due to the weekly subscription, I was charged Rs. 68. This included Rs. 10 per week for the caller tune and an additional Rs. 7 per week for an automatic SMS that renewed the service. I never sent that SMS, yet I was charged for it. Although Rs. 68 wasn’t a huge amount, I was frustrated by what felt like deceitful billing practices.

I visited their office to unsubscribe from the service, but the representative directed me to call a specific number. I asked if she could unsubscribe me using her office computer, but she insisted that only a call could handle this. When I called the number, I faced another issue. Initially, the automated system had spoken to me in Hindi, but when I tried to unsubscribe, it was only available in English, with no language option.

The automated system used a strong American accent, which was difficult to understand, even though I am familiar with American accents. The speech was fast and unclear. After listening multiple times, I managed to unsubscribe from the caller tune service. However, I wonder how people who don’t speak English or struggle with foreign accents cope with such situations. Are they left paying Rs. 68 per month without realizing it? It’s frustrating how corporations seem to exploit every opportunity to increase their profits.

Dowry in Indian Marriages

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My cousin is set to get married, likely in December this year. A relative of mine, who works permanently at a bank, is deeply involved in arranging marriages. He knows several families looking to marry off their children and suggested to my uncle that his son should marry one of his relative’s daughters. The bride is pursuing a master’s degree at the Sanskrit University, while my cousin works for a travel agency in Delhi. My cousin has always been eager to get married, and now it seems his dream is coming true. Neither the bride nor the groom had met before this arrangement.

They were introduced briefly when my cousin visited Varanasi a few days ago, and that was the extent of their interaction. My cousin liked the bride upon seeing her and decided she was the one for him. The engagement took place yesterday. A few days prior to the engagement, my cousin mentioned that the bride might not be well-suited for Delhi, given her education in Varanasi through the Sanskrit board. Nevertheless, he was determined to marry her, partly because she has only one other sister. He seemed most excited about the prospect of inheriting property.

He mentioned that after the bride’s father passes away, he and the husband of the other sister would inherit all the assets. He was particularly thrilled about the prospect of owning a house in Varanasi. When I estimated the cost of such a house to be around five hundred thousand rupees, he was even more delighted. He joked that the bride’s worth was at least two hundred fifty thousand rupees currently, and that her value would increase over time. He speculated on how long her father might live—five years, ten years, fifteen years—and anticipated that he would get half of the property upon the father’s death.

The engagement was unusual because neither the bride nor the groom attended. Only the families met to complete the formalities. The bride’s father provided Rs. 10,000 ($200), along with some fruits, sweets, and a suit for the groom. The wedding is scheduled for December 12, at which time the remainder of the dowry will be given. This includes Rs. 50,000 in cash, a gold chain for the groom, five pieces of gold jewelry, clothing for the bride, and household items like a bed, refrigerator, wardrobe, TV, and music system. The bride’s family will provide these on the wedding day, having already given Rs. 10,000 in advance, leaving a balance of Rs. 40,000.

The groom requested cash instead of household items because, although the wedding will be in Varanasi, he lives in Delhi and has already purchased some furnishings like a TV and a bed. He plans to use the cash from the bride’s family to cover wedding expenses, meaning he won’t have to spend from his own funds, while the bride’s family will bear the significant costs. The bride’s father is a retired municipal employee who worked as a temporary staff member for most of his career, earning approximately Rs. 2,000-3,000 per month. He became a permanent employee in 1999 and retired in 2008, so he only earned a decent salary for about nine years.

I suspect he will use a substantial portion of his savings for this wedding. Although my cousin has already bought some household items, he still requested cash. This wedding feels more like a commercial transaction than a union of two individuals, where one party gains significantly while the other bears the financial burden and even harbors resentment. Dowry remains a significant issue in India and is a major factor in the declining sex ratio. I once believed that a decreasing sex ratio might lead to a reduction in dowry demands, but the situation hasn’t improved. The ratio of girls continues to fall, and dowry demands are rising. Some joke that grooms will eventually have to pay dowry due to the shortage of girls, but from what I see with people like my cousin, this joke may remain just that—a joke.

Voting Day 2009 in Varanasi

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Voting day in Benares was on the 16th. Everyone was supposed to have a voter ID card issued by the Election Commission of India, but once again this year, not everyone received theirs, including me. Three days before the elections, I read in the newspaper that voters could use 16 different types of documents instead of the voter ID card. Since I didn’t have a voter ID, I went to vote with my ration card and PAN card (income tax card). I first went to Assi Crossing, where assistance centers for all the major political parties were set up. This year, there were four assistance centers: BJP, Congress, SP, and BSP. I needed to get a slip with my serial number from any of these centers to verify my name on the voting list.

I chose the Congress counter because it had the least number of people, whereas the BJP counter was the most crowded. After getting my slip at the Congress counter, I decided to visit the other counters as well. At the Congress Party counter, I saw something quite unusual: they were offering breakfast to people visiting their counter, which is an illegal activity. The counter was on the main road, but the breakfast was served inside a room. They encouraged people to go inside, have breakfast, and then vote for Congress. It was surprising to see how many people switched their support this year. Those who were at the BJP counter during the last elections were now at the SP counter. It’s amazing how quickly political allegiances can change.

The BJP candidate, Mr. Murli Manohar Joshi, called me a day before the election. Usually, political campaigns use automated calls, but this one seemed personal. At first, I thought it was a computer call, but the responses matched my questions, so I believe it was Mr. Joshi himself. Unfortunately, I was in a hurry and couldn’t talk to him much. I would have liked to have a longer conversation with him. Mr. Joshi asked me to vote for a suitable candidate. While he never explicitly asked me to vote for him, he did identify himself at the end of the call, which was a clear hint. Since he was my preferred candidate, I voted for him, though I would have liked to ask him some questions before casting my vote. Maybe next time.

When I went to vote, I noticed there was less security than usual. There were only four or five security guards at the polling booth, whereas polling booths are typically guarded more heavily. Various party representatives were urging me to vote for their respective parties. Some individuals had Fevicol (a type of adhesive) and other chemicals, advising me to apply them to my finger before voting so I could remove the ink easily and vote multiple times for their party later in the day. They were also keeping track of those who hadn’t voted yet and planned to send someone to vote in their names. Despite these manipulations, I was content to vote only in my name.

Samajwadi Party’s Manifesto 2009

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Politics in India is particularly heated right now, with all major parties releasing their manifestos for the upcoming elections. Recently, the Samajwadi Party unveiled its manifesto in Lucknow. The party’s chief, Mr. Mulayam Singh Yadav, made some controversial statements. He proposed banning computers, English-medium schools, the stock market, harvesting machines, and high corporate salaries. His rationale seems to be that these elements create unemployment and contribute to inequality.

I believe that rather than banning English, efforts should be made to promote and strengthen Hindi. India’s global competitiveness is partly due to our proficiency in English, which is a significant advantage over countries like China. If English were banned, it could harm our international standing. Moreover, many top Indian leaders, including the Prime Minister and President, often speak English in their addresses. It would be more constructive to advocate for the use of Hindi without eliminating English.

Interestingly, Mr. Akhilesh Yadav, Mr. Mulayam Singh Yadav’s son, was educated in English-medium schools. It seems inconsistent for Mr. Mulayam Singh to advocate for banning such schools when his own family has benefited from them. Instead of eliminating English education, the focus should be on prioritizing Hindi while maintaining the importance of English. Moreover, banning computers is an absurd idea in the 21st century when digital technology is crucial for progress.

Computers play a significant role in various sectors, including the IT industry, which is a major contributor to India’s economy. The manifesto itself was likely printed using computers, highlighting the hypocrisy of such a ban. During Mr. Mulayam Singh Yadav’s previous tenure as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, allegations of corruption surfaced. A committee led by Mayawati discovered that thousands of police jobs were given in exchange for bribes, leading to their dismissal. Banning computers might hinder transparency and anti-corruption efforts by eliminating digital records.

Mr. Yadav’s disdain for the stock market also raises questions. Politicians are required to declare their assets, and investments in the stock market must be disclosed. By opposing the stock market, Mr. Yadav might be attempting to obscure financial dealings and evade scrutiny. Corrupt practices, such as stashing money in Swiss banks, are prevalent, and the stock market provides a transparent mechanism for tracking investments. Additionally, the manifesto’s stance on harvesting machines reflects a lack of understanding.

These machines increase agricultural efficiency and productivity, which is crucial for a country with a large agricultural sector. The Samajwadi Party’s focus on destroying such technology seems contradictory, especially when considering other significant issues like preserving cultural heritage. Ultimately, it seems that the Samajwadi Party’s manifesto is more about appealing to certain voter demographics rather than addressing substantive issues. Instead of targeting technological and educational advancements, political leaders should focus on improving education quality, reducing corruption, and preserving cultural landmarks.

As the saying goes, “Vote ke liye sala kuch bhi karega…” – for votes, they will say anything.

Voting in Indian elections

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Many people have decided not to vote in this year’s elections due to frustration with the current government. I was among those considering abstaining from voting. However, I recently discovered an interesting option: even if you choose not to vote, you can still visit the election booth and inform the officer of your decision. They will then record your refusal in a special register designated for individuals who opt out of voting. This ensures that no one else can cast a vote in your name.

Political parties maintain detailed lists of voters in their constituencies and closely monitor voter turnout. To facilitate the voting process, they set up booths near polling stations where voters can collect a slip containing their name, address, and other necessary details. Without this slip, individuals cannot vote. Consequently, party workers at these booths know which voters have cast their ballots and which have not.

As the voting period nears its end, parties often identify those who haven’t voted and send representatives to vote on their behalf. This can lead to instances where individuals discover that their vote has already been cast by someone else, making it difficult to contest. The new system of formally registering a refusal to vote can be a valuable tool to prevent such misuse. By officially recording your decision not to vote, you ensure that your name remains protected from being used fraudulently.

For those who have lost faith in the electoral process but still want to ensure their vote is not misused, this option provides a safeguard. I encourage everyone who chooses not to vote to use this system to secure their rights and prevent any potential abuse.

Corrupt Indian Politics

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There’s a Bollywood song titled “Love Ke Liye Sala Kuch Bhi Karega,” which translates to “Will do anything for love.” It seems that Indian politicians have taken this sentiment to heart, but instead of doing anything for love, they’re doing anything for votes. This became glaringly evident during a recent press conference with P. Chidambaram, the Home Minister of India. During the conference, journalist Jarnail Singh questioned Chidambaram about the Congress party’s decision to exonerate Jagdish Tytler, who was implicated in the 1984 anti-Sikh riots.

Singh was dissatisfied with Chidambaram’s response and, in an act of protest, threw his shoe at the Home Minister. This incident was unprecedented in Indian politics and highlighted the tension surrounding Tytler’s candidacy. Chidambaram, though visibly shocked, managed to maintain composure and instructed his security to remove Singh from the hall, continuing the press conference as if nothing had happened. Singh was quickly taken to the police station but was released within hours without facing any formal charges. This leniency was likely due to the upcoming elections and the need to avoid alienating the Sikh community, which stood firmly with Singh.

The incident raises questions about the application of the law in India. Singh’s actions, though symbolic of his protest, were criminal, yet no legal action was taken against him. This leniency seems to be a calculated move by Congress to safeguard their electoral prospects, reflecting a troubling reality: political considerations often override legal and ethical standards. This situation underscores a larger issue in Indian politics, where the pursuit of votes can lead to the bending of rules and the overlooking of legal procedures. It’s a stark reminder that, in the quest for power, politicians may prioritize their electoral gains over the principles of justice and accountability.

In this context, the question arises: Is the Indian Constitution really stronger than the ruling political parties, or do the latter’s interests frequently overshadow the rule of law? The episode with Jarnail Singh reveals the extent to which politicians are willing to go, highlighting a troubling trend where votes may justify actions that would otherwise be considered criminal.

822-year-old-living person

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Elections are approaching, and the Election Commission of India is working diligently to issue voter ID cards to all eligible voters. This is a relatively new requirement in India, where having a voter ID card is now mandatory to vote. The government frequently announces that anyone without a voter ID card will be barred from voting. However, just days before the elections, the Election Commission often reports that individuals without voter IDs can still participate, due to their inability to reach everyone in time. Despite substantial expenditure on this project, the results have been far from successful.

Alarmingly, nearly 50% of the voter ID cards issued contain incorrect information or printing errors. For example, Amar Ujala, a prominent Hindi newspaper, reported today (08/04/09) that the Election Commission issued a voter ID card to someone named Ballu from Muradabad, with his age mistakenly recorded as 822 years old. Ballu, having received this erroneous card, faces a dilemma: with elections just around the corner, he is unlikely to have the time to rectify the mistake before voting. He will use the card as-is and vote as an 822-year-old. Similarly, voter ID cards were issued to individuals named Nanhi and Khurseed, inaccurately recorded as two years old.

They, too, will use their incorrect IDs to cast votes. Another significant error involved the issuance of 424 voter ID cards to one address, implying that there are 424 residents from the same family living at that address, which is clearly incorrect. When I received my first voter ID card, I found that my father’s name was printed incorrectly, and my address was wrong. I was advised to wait until a month before the next elections, which would be five years later, to address the issue. Despite being issued by the government, voter ID cards are often not accepted as valid proof of residence or identity by any institution, whether public or private, due to these persistent errors.

On March 24th, the Times of India reported a similar mistake where a voter ID card was issued to a twelve-year-old girl. It is concerning that while the Indian government struggles with basic tasks like issuing accurate voter ID cards, it plans to build nuclear power plants. If the government cannot manage something as fundamental as voter identification, it raises doubts about its capability to handle complex and critical projects like nuclear power. The frequent errors and inefficiencies in the voter ID system suggest that India may not yet be fully prepared to tackle such high-stakes projects, where there is little room for error and significant challenges in managing nuclear waste and safety.

Indian elections 2009

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The upcoming central government elections have created a stir in the political landscape. Benares, historically a significant city in India, has gained even more prominence this year due to the high-profile candidates from various parties contesting in the elections. The city has become a focal point of national political interest, with parties fiercely competing against one another, resorting to tactics such as bribery, religious targeting, and caste-based appeals, rather than focusing on the needs of the people and development.

Recently, several political leaders were caught illegally distributing money to voters to sway their support. This practice, while illegal under the Indian constitution, highlights the troubling state of our politics. The real issue is not just the legality of these actions but the nature of our politicians. Instead of working towards genuine governance, they seem to resort to bribery when elections approach. Prominent figures, who are already wealthy, continue to amass more wealth in a country with widespread poverty.

Today’s headline in Amar Ujala (5/03/09) reveals that many politicians’ assets have skyrocketed in the past five years. Despite the fact that over 77% of Indians live on less than Rs. 20 per day, the wealth of politicians has grown six to seven times, with some even seeing their assets increase tenfold. These figures raise concerns about the sources of their wealth and the transparency of their financial dealings. Politicians are required to declare their income when they file their candidacy, yet those with assets worth Rs. 5 crore in previous elections now report holdings of Rs. 50 crore. This raises questions about the extent of undisclosed wealth.

I had initially decided to vote for Mayawati due to her effective governance, which has generally seen lower crime rates and less exploitation compared to others. However, her decision to field Mukhtar Ansari as her candidate for the Varanasi seat has been disappointing. Ansari, a convicted criminal involved in inciting communal violence, was introduced to secure Muslim votes, undermining the integrity of her party. The competition in Varanasi this year features prominent names: Ajay Rai from the Samajwadi Party, Murli Manohar Joshi from the BJP, Rajesh Mishra from the Congress, and Mukhtar Ansari from the Bahujan Samaj Party.

Ajay Rai, a notorious criminal, and Rajesh Mishra, who was recently caught bribing voters, are among the candidates. Mishra, who previously claimed credit for declaring the Ganga as the national river, has done little for Benares since his election. The BJP’s introduction of Murli Manohar Joshi, a respected and non-criminal candidate, was seen as a strong move. However, Mayawati’s choice of Mukhtar Ansari aims to consolidate the Muslim vote, knowing that the Hindu vote will be split among Joshi, Mishra, and Rai. This strategy, which risks fostering further communal tensions, might lead to Ansari’s victory, posing a grave concern for Benares and the nation.

It is disheartening to see that our political system is plagued by corruption and self-interest. Instead of focusing on effective governance and development, politicians are more concerned with winning elections through any means necessary. This reflects poorly on the state of our democracy and governance.

HIV, AIDS education pamphlet distribution

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A student from the University of Montana, USA, contacted me expressing interest in volunteering for my organization and staying at my guest house. I was also looking to initiate a project for sex workers in Benares, so I asked if he would help me organize a program for them. He was very enthusiastic about the idea. Although we didn’t manage to start the program for sex workers due to his busy schedule in Benares and some unexpected tasks I needed to complete, we did distribute pamphlets during the Maha Murkh Sammelan (Biggest Fool Conference).

This festival is uniquely Benares and is celebrated annually on April 1st. This year, over 3,000 people attended the conference. Since Winslow and I were the only ones distributing pamphlets, we aimed to reach around 200-250 people. We set up on the steps of Rajendra Prasad Ghat and began handing out pamphlets. Our target audience was people aged 15 to 45, with a particular focus on those aged 15 to 30. While people were not very interested in taking pamphlets from me, they were quite receptive to Winslow.

Winslow distributed all his pamphlets first, and then I handed him most of mine, so we ended up distributing nearly 150 pamphlets. Initially, we focused on attendees at the festival, but later we wandered along the river, distributing more pamphlets to young people. On April 2nd, Nandlal Master organized an event to inaugurate a water cooler, a computer room, and sewing machines donated to his organization, Lok Samiti. The water cooler was provided by Union Bank of India, and the other items were donated by an organization from South India.

Nandlal had informed me that 600-700 people were expected at the event, so we planned to distribute pamphlets there as well. However, the crowd consisted mainly of children under 10 or adults over 45, so we decided it was best not to distribute pamphlets. Nandlal has also asked me to organize an HIV/AIDS education program for his Kishori centers. These centers are schools run by Lok Samiti and ASHA for girls over 13 years old, with each center hosting about 50-75 girls.

Winslow’s friend, who had lived in Varanasi for a year about two years ago, knew the principal of Delhi Public School and suggested that Winslow meet him. Winslow relayed this to me, and I asked him to inquire whether the school would allow us to organize an HIV/AIDS education workshop there. Delhi Public School is an English-medium school and one of the most prestigious in Benares, if not India. I’ve always wanted to work with English-medium schools because their students are at high risk of contracting STDs, and there’s a lack of sex education in India despite the co-educational system.

This presents a valuable opportunity for me to get involved with English-medium schools, and I am looking forward to it. However, there is a significant issue with funding, which remains unresolved.

Corruption in India

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A few days ago, I applied for my passport. I was supposed to fill out a form and submit it at the passport office in Varanasi. When I arrived at the office and presented all my documents, I realized that I had made some mistakes on the form. I thought it would be best to fill out a new form, so I asked the officer if he had a fresh one. To my surprise, he told me that the office did not provide new forms, which seemed absurd. The officer asked why I needed a new form, and I explained my situation. He then suggested a solution: he used whiteout to correct the mistakes and asked me to overwrite the errors.

I was relieved not to have to go out and purchase a new form, but I was puzzled by his willingness to help, as I did not expect such assistance from a government employee. I suspected that something was amiss. After I completed the corrected form, I handed it to a person at the office, but he told me to wait for the officer. I inquired if he was an official employee, and he revealed that the officer had hired him personally to assist with the paperwork. This raised my suspicions further. When the officer finally arrived, he stamped and signed my form but did not give me a receipt. Instead, he handed it to the other person and instructed me to speak with him for the next steps.

The man turned his face away and mumbled something I couldn’t hear. When I asked him to speak clearly, he eventually said that I needed to pay for the stamp and postage charges to send my application to the regional office in Lucknow. I questioned why the government did not cover these costs, and he simply replied, “No.” I knew that postage should not be so expensive and argued that Rs. 200 was excessive. He insisted that the fee covered bribes for all officials who would handle my application. Reluctantly, I negotiated and gave him Rs. 100, which he snatched eagerly. He assured me that he would forward my application by the evening.

It was disheartening to see how the officer had cleverly outsourced the bribery process to avoid direct involvement. The next step was to obtain a no-objection certificate from the local police station. The passport office sends the documents to the SSP (Senior Superintendent of Police), who then forwards them to the local police station. When I visited the police station to check if my application had arrived, I was told to return after two days. During my visit, I observed a man retrieving his car, which had been confiscated by the police two years earlier. He had received a release order from the court.

I knew that the police would demand a bribe to return the car, but I was curious about how they would solicit it. Despite my presence, the policeman loudly instructed the car owner to give something extra to the next officer to receive the car keys. The car owner reluctantly paid Rs. 500, but the policeman demanded more, eventually settling on Rs. 700. The next day, when I returned to the police station, the officer had my application. He reviewed my documents and asked for my father’s village address, even though I had never lived there. When I questioned this, he explained that people sometimes commit crimes in their villages. I realized he was likely trying to delay the process to extract a bribe.

I insisted on a faster process, and the officer mentioned he knew a way to expedite it. He took me to the head of the police station, who interviewed me and asked various questions, including who would pay for my trip to the US. After attesting my photo, the head of the station sent me back with the original officer. The officer then demanded a bribe, stating that I could pay whatever I wished. When I suggested Rs. 200, he dismissed it, saying it was insufficient. Eventually, he asked for Rs. 600, which I reluctantly paid, knowing that without this bribe, I might never receive my passport.

This entire experience left me disheartened. I wonder if there is any government service in India that can be obtained without paying bribes.