Union Carbide Gas Disaster, Bhopal

Union Carbide Gas Disaster

I recently visited Bhopal with my friend to explore the city and meet the NGOs still working on the Bhopal Gas Disaster that shook India in 1984. Before going, I had no idea about which organizations were active there, so I called my friend Nandlal Master from Lok Samiti in Varanasi. Nandlal is a well-known social activist, and he suggested I visit the Chingari Trust. He knew about it because the Trust awards women fighting against exploitative corporations, and five women from his own NGO in Varanasi had once been recognized by them. I assumed there would be several NGOs still working on the issue in Bhopal, but to my surprise, I learned that Chingari Trust was practically the only one consistently helping survivors on a large scale.

union carbide gas disaster

First Impressions

When I called, the Chingari Trust staff were warm and welcoming. They invited me to visit their office and rehabilitation center near the affected area. Initially, I expected a small office with a few staff members. But as soon as I entered, I was shocked—there were dozens of families, many of them with children born with physical and neurological disabilities caused by the gas tragedy and its after-effects. I saw nearly a hundred children, ranging from infants to teenagers, participating in physical therapy and rehabilitation programs. It was heartbreaking. Until then, I had assumed that only people directly exposed during the 1984 disaster were affected, but I discovered that children are still being born with disabilities due to lingering chemical contamination.

wall paintings around factory are

The Work of Chingari Trust

The work being done at Chingari Trust left a deep impression on me. The organization was founded by Rashida Bee and Champadevi Shukla, two women who themselves suffered from the gas tragedy. Rashida Bee even received a major international award of around Rs. 50 lakhs in San Francisco for her activism, and instead of keeping the money, she used it to establish Chingari Trust and donated the rest back to the cause. Their center provides physiotherapy, speech therapy, occupational therapy, and counseling to affected children free of cost. Despite their efforts, Rashida Bee told me they are struggling to meet the overwhelming demand and are now working on building a new hospital dedicated to survivors and their children.

families with the affected kids

Contaminated Water – The Ongoing Disaster

Later, I spoke to the IT coordinator at the Trust, who gave me a tour of the surrounding area. He explained that the tragedy didn’t end in 1984. The factory site continues to leak harmful chemicals into the groundwater, which thousands of nearby families still rely on. This contaminated water is directly linked to ongoing health problems and birth defects in the community. When we walked only ten minutes from the Trust’s office, I was shocked again. Families were living right across the road from the abandoned Union Carbide factory, now owned by Dow Chemicals. It looked like any other crowded Indian neighborhood, but beneath the surface, people were living with poisoned soil and water.

newpaper cuttings

Questions Without Answers

My American friend Lane, who was with me, pointed out that in the United States, factories dealing with such dangerous chemicals are usually built far from populated areas. It made me wonder: why did our government allow this factory to operate in the middle of a city in the first place? And even after the disaster, why didn’t they relocate residents to safer areas? It is impossible to avoid the conclusion that both Union Carbide (and now Dow Chemicals) and sections of the Indian government are equally responsible for the ongoing suffering. The politics and corporate influence behind this tragedy are undeniable, but the fact remains: thousands of innocent lives were destroyed and continue to be endangered. Accountability has been delayed for far too long.

Final Thoughts

My visit to Chingari Trust completely changed the way I understood the Bhopal Gas Disaster. This was not just an accident of the past; it is a living tragedy that still haunts the people of Bhopal every single day. Meeting Rashida Bee and seeing the resilience of affected families was deeply moving. The story of Bhopal is not only about corporate negligence, but also about government apathy. Until justice is served and proper rehabilitation is provided, the victims of Bhopal will continue to remind us of how dangerous unchecked industrial greed and weak governance can be.

really sad

he wsa trying to say something to me

beggars in India

I worked with an anthropology student named Sophia from University of Berlin. I had already worked with her before a few years ago and it was my second time of work with her. This time she was not working for her university but for a big private publication company in Germany. She just wanted to interview different kind of people and listen to their stories. We met several different kinds of people but most striking news came out of the beggar community living in Varanasi. I had a shop few years ago near to Dashashwamedh Ghat in Varanasi and I knew that there was a group of beggars living near to Dashashwamedh Ghat so I took Sophia there.

I had already heard some crazy stories about beggars living there but had no idea how serious the condition was. They told us so many things but the worse story was about their sexual harassment by local people. We interviewed an old woman who told us that she was raped several times by a local bully who comes to them every night and rapes whoever he wants. There were several girls and all aged women living there and many of them said that this person rapes really young girls who are just 14-15 years old.

They went to the police several times but the police never entertains their complaint only because they are poor and they don’t have any connection in politics. A chai shop keeper who had a shop near to the place where this community lives also said confirmed it. When I asked him why locals don’t take any action against this person, he said that he is a big criminal and nobody can do anything, not even police. He also said that he comes almost every night, chooses any girl or woman he wants and take them away with himself. He doesn’t even take the girls at his home but he rapes just somewhere on the road.

I was shocked to hear all these things happening openly in my society. I just did not know what to do with poor beggars. They also talked about corruption in government policies for them. They said that Government of Uttar Pradesh also has a program for rehabilitation of beggars in Uttar Pradesh but there is so much corruption involved in it and beggars are not benefited by it at all. They talked about a housing program where government is providing free housing to the beggars but government officers ask for bribe in order to provide them a house which is built for them and which is supposed to be free of cost.

They said that government is asking for a lot of documents including local residential proof which sounds hilarious to me. How come a beggar can have a residential proof? They live on the road! This idea of asking for residential proof and other documents seemed really stupid to me. I was thinking about these corrupt government officers who don’t forgive even the beggars. They are begging from the beggars which means that they are bigger beggars. There is a saying in Hindi चोर के घर चोरी Chor ke ghar chori (stealing in thieves home) and now we need to start another saying- भिखमंगा से भिखमंगई Bhikhmanga se Bhikhmangai (begging from beggars).

Varanasi bomb blast

Affected Area

Once again, something happened that I never want to hear about. Varanasi has faced yet another bomb blast – this time at Dashashwamedh Ghat during the Ganga Aarti. My work brings me to this place at least 15 times a month, and though I was not there today, I am shaken and heartbroken for those who were affected. What makes it even worse is the way the tragedy is being hidden. The central government, the UP state government, and much of the media are not telling the truth about the scale of the devastation. I personally saw at least 10 ambulances filled with injured people passing through my neighborhood, yet the official count claims only 20 injured and 1 girl dead.

Dashashwamedh Ghat

Empty Ghats

The ambulances I saw were all headed to BHU hospital, but I know for a fact that at least three other hospitals are also treating victims. This means the real number of injured must be well over 100. I have no words to fully express my grief, but I can say with certainty: enough is enough. The group Indian Mujahideen, which once operated under the name SIMI (Students Islamic Movement of India), has claimed responsibility. But in my view, responsibility also lies heavily on our own government, police, and intelligence agencies. Their repeated failures are what make such tragedies possible.

What hurt me further was listening to the official responses. The Prime Minister and Sonia Gandhi simply appealed for calm, while the UP police made the obvious statement that “this was a terrorist attack”. The whole country already knows this – it doesn’t need repeating. What we need is action, not empty words.

Bomb blast place

Sad Faces

How many times will we be told to “stay calm”? How many times will our leaders fail to protect us, yet ask us to quietly endure? This cannot continue.

I know that writing a post on my blog will not stop terrorism or corruption, but I want to appeal to everyone reading this:

  • Think very carefully before casting your vote.

  • Whenever a policeman demands a bribe, refuse and expose it.

  • If you see corruption or illegal activities, document them and share them publicly.

  • Hold our leaders, police, and intelligence accountable.

We must unite – against terrorists, yes, but also against the corruption and negligence that allow terrorism to flourish in India. Today I feel both sad and angry. My city is wounded again. The ghats are empty, the faces are full of sorrow, and while leaders prepare for their VVIP visits, ordinary people suffer.

Sad faces

Sad faces

Enough is enough.

Road cleaning for VVIPs

Road cleaning for VVIPs

The whole city was closed in the protest of the bomb blast

The whole city was closed in the protest of the bomb blast

Life has no value in India

A Shocking Incident at BHU

Yesterday, I witnessed something truly inhuman and shocking at BHU. I have already had many bad experiences with BHU, but what I saw this time left me speechless. I had gone to the Institute of Medical Sciences (IMS) at BHU. After parking my bike, I noticed a group of people standing near the main gate of the IMS building. It seemed unusual, since security usually does not allow public gatherings there. Curious, I went closer and found that an injured and unconscious man—almost on the verge of death—was lying on the ground.

He had injuries on his face and, from what people were saying, he might have also suffered an epileptic attack. I overheard that someone had beaten him. At least ten people stood around, but nobody was willing to take him to the hospital. They said they had already informed the police and would wait for them to arrive. What shocked me even more was that, despite being inside a medical institute, with doctors constantly passing by, not a single doctor stopped to help him. This was happening in the premises of one of India’s best-known medical colleges, a place respected worldwide.

Eventually, the police arrived. They asked a few questions but seemed completely uninterested in helping. Two policemen sat casually on their bike, laughing and chatting, right next to this dying man. A few minutes later, one of them walked over and half-heartedly tried to wake him up. Instead of calling for medical help, they nudged him with their feet and even dragged him on the road, hoping he would somehow get up. But he couldn’t—he was in no condition to move. Finally, the police just left, doing nothing.

I couldn’t believe what I was seeing. Here was a man in urgent need of medical assistance, lying inside the premises of a premier medical college of India, yet doctors, police, and bystanders all ignored him. Eventually, two students came with a first aid box, but they were not doctors, and the man clearly needed far more than first aid. They too said they would first inform the police before helping, because they didn’t feel safe intervening without police approval. Then I learned the reason why everyone was hesitating—people said this man was a thief, caught trying to steal something from the IMS building. Maybe that was true, maybe not.

But even if he was a thief, did he not deserve basic medical treatment? A human life was at risk. It was cruel beyond words. In our country, we spend over ₹8,00,500 per day to keep Ajmal Kasab—the terrorist who killed hundreds of people at the Taj—alive in jail. Yet here, in one of our best medical institutions, a man possibly dying in front of doctors and police was denied even basic first aid, just because he was accused of being a thief. What I saw was heartbreaking and inhuman. I have no words strong enough to describe the cruelty and indifference I witnessed yesterday.

Commonwealth Games 2010, New Delhi

The Commonwealth Games Mess in Delhi

India was so excited about the Commonwealth Games in New Delhi. We had been preparing for years, and the government kept making big promises: huge revenue, a boost in tourism, and international recognition. All of that could have been true — if we had organized the event properly. But because of corruption and mismanagement, the reality turned out to be the complete opposite. Instead of gains, we lost billions of rupees, tourism numbers actually fell, and India’s reputation suffered badly across the world.

I was always doubtful whether we were truly ready to host such a huge international event, and I had a feeling it was going to end badly. Sadly, I was right. Just days before the Games began, a newly constructed footbridge for visitors collapsed. How could this even happen? And then, instead of taking responsibility, Delhi Chief Minister Sheila Dixit casually remarked that “fortunately no foreigners were on the bridge when it collapsed.” What kind of logic is that? Does it mean the lives of Indians don’t matter? The government had originally announced that the budget for the Games would be around ₹16.2 billion ($365 million). By the end, the cost had skyrocketed to over ₹300 billion ($2.6 billion).

Where did all that money go? The answer is obvious: corruption. I am sure that officials and contractors involved in the Games pocketed most of it. The scandals were endless. Tickets were hoarded, waiting for international visitors to buy them, but when hardly anyone came, the organizers ended up distributing tickets for free to schoolchildren — just to make the stadiums look full. The Games Village, which was supposed to showcase India’s hospitality, became an international embarrassment. Reports came in that rooms had leaking roofs, broken beds, filthy toilets, stray dogs wandering around, and even cobra snakes found inside. What kind of preparation was this?

When I was doing my tour guide training in Gwalior last year, we were repeatedly told by professors and officials from the tourism ministry that the Commonwealth Games would bring a wave of tourists, and that’s why we needed to be prepared to work extra hard. In reality, not even the usual number of foreign tourists came. Global headlines were dominated by stories of corruption, poor facilities, collapsing structures, and weak security. Naturally, no one wanted to travel here for the Games.

The most shocking incident was when an Australian journalist managed to walk into the Games Village with a mock bomb in his bag — and nobody checked him. Can you imagine what could have happened if it had been real? That was the level of our security arrangements. The anger of the Indian public was clear when Suresh Kalmadi, the main organizer of the Games, was openly booed during the inauguration ceremony. That moment said it all — people were fed up.

I only hope the government learned its lesson from this disaster. Personally, I don’t think India should even think about hosting another mega-event like the Commonwealth Games in the near future. But then again, the real question remains: does our government ever learn from its mistakes?

Caste system in India

Casteism in Modern India: A Personal Reflection

Casteism has always been a big issue in India. Originally, the caste system was designed as a way to organize society, based on profession rather than birth. It wasn’t meant to divide people permanently. In fact, in the past, caste was flexible — if someone changed their profession, their caste also changed. But over time, people with power altered the system for their own benefit, and now a person’s caste is decided entirely by the caste of their parents. Once you are born a Brahmin, you remain a Brahmin forever, no matter your work or life choices.

Traditionally, different castes had specific roles: Kshatriyas were warriors and rulers, Brahmins were scholars and priests, Vaishyas were traders, and Shudras worked in service professions and farming. In the earliest system, this arrangement was functional and not necessarily oppressive. But the distortion began when kings and higher-caste elites realized that if their children chose different professions, they could lose their social power. To protect their dominance, they declared that caste would be hereditary — fixed by birth. This was the beginning of the rigid, unequal caste hierarchy that continues today.

I was born a Brahmin, but my profession is completely different. By the original rules, I should not be treated as a Brahmin at all — yet society still labels me that way. Honestly, it doesn’t offend me; in fact, I sometimes enjoy the benefits of belonging to a higher caste. But when I think of those born into lower castes, I feel disturbed. Even today, many people who have transformed their lives through education or good jobs are still judged by their caste rather than their achievements.

The reality is harsh: wealth can often protect lower-caste individuals from discrimination, but poverty leaves them exposed to the worst of caste-based cruelty. For example, the former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, a Dalit woman, rose to power and commanded respect from people who would never dare to mistreat her publicly. Yet at the village level, Dalits still face exclusion from public services, discrimination in schools, and social humiliation.

One group I learned about deeply is the Doam community, whose traditional role is helping with cremations. I worked with them three years ago and saw firsthand how badly they are treated. They are considered “untouchable” in society — denied access to common wells, pumps, and even schools. Nobody will accept food or water touched by them. But when I studied Hindu traditions more closely, I realized this stigma is a complete distortion. Hinduism does describe temporary ritual impurity — for example, anyone who attends a funeral becomes untouchable until they bathe. I have experienced this myself many times. But by that logic, Doms should only be untouchable while performing cremation duties — not permanently. Society has twisted this practice into something cruel and irrational.

The cruelty sometimes reaches shocking levels. On 24 September 2010, I read an article in Amar Ujala about a Dalit woman who offered a roti to a dog. The dog’s owner, a Yadav man, became furious and declared his dog “untouchable” because it had eaten food from a Dalit’s hand. A Panchayat meeting was called, and unbelievably, they ruled that the woman had to take ownership of the dog and pay a fine of ₹15,000 to the owner. How could a poor woman afford that? And how could a Panchayat — a government-recognized body with legal power — make such a decision in the first place?

Even worse, when the woman went to file a complaint at the police station, the officers refused to register it and instead scolded her for feeding the dog. She went to the DIG and again her complaint was ignored. Only when she approached the SC/ST DSP office was the case registered — and I am almost certain no real action will be taken. At best, they might hush it up because the media got involved.

Incidents like this shake me. Are we really living in the 21st century India we are so proud of? Is this the same India we call the world’s fastest-growing economy, a rising superpower? Is this the same land of Lord Rama, who lovingly ate food offered by Sabari, a woman from an “untouchable” caste, or bowed to a boatman from a so-called lower community?

Sometimes, it feels like we are stuck in two worlds — one that dreams of becoming a global power, and another that refuses to let go of ancient prejudices.

Times of India also reported this news.

Scanned article of Amar Ujala Hindi newspaper. 24/09/10

Pending cases at Indian Judicial courts

The Never-Ending Wait in Indian Courts

Many Indians often talk about our lazy and corrupt court system — and I count myself among them. Personally, I hate getting involved in any kind of court activity. Sadly, it is not just a feeling; the numbers prove it. India has the highest number of pending legal cases in the world — more than 30 million cases are stuck in our courts. To make things worse, the average time to resolve a case is about 15 years, and sometimes even longer.

Think about it: a generation can pass before a verdict comes. Families break apart, people die waiting for justice, and in the end, the judgment often doesn’t serve much purpose because the damage is already done. The saying “Justice delayed is justice denied” could not be truer than in India. Many poor people simply give up because they cannot afford the endless lawyer fees and court dates. And for those who keep fighting, the system itself drains them — emotionally, financially, and mentally.

Recently, my friend Ravi, who completed his law degree and is now a registered lawyer, sent me a poem about Indian courts. The poem describes exactly what happens in our system — the endless adjournments, the clerks, the long queues, the confusion — and ultimately warns that one should do anything, absolutely anything, but never go to court.

I believe this is true. The poem was written by Mr. Kailash Gautam from Allahabad, and Ravi, as a lawyer himself, resonates deeply with its message. Even those who are supposed to work within the system admit that it is broken. Until we fix the root problems — lack of judges, corruption, outdated processes — justice will remain a dream for millions of Indians.

भले डांट घर में तू बीबी की खाना, भले जैसे -तैसे गिरस्ती चलाना
भले जा के जंगल में धूनी रमाना,मगर मेरे बेटे कचहरी न जाना
कचहरी न जाना- कचहरी न जाना.
कचहरी हमारी तुम्हारी नहीं है,कहीं से कोई रिश्तेदारी नहीं है
अहलमद से भी कोरी यारी नहीं है, तिवारी था पहले तिवारी नहीं है
कचहरी की महिमा निराली है बेटे, कचहरी वकीलों की थाली है बेटे
पुलिस के लिए छोटी साली है बेटे, यहाँ पैरवी अब दलाली है बेटे
कचहरी ही गुंडों की खेती है बेटे, यही जिन्दगी उनको देती है बेटे
खुले आम कातिल यहाँ घूमते हैं, सिपाही दरोगा चरण चुमतें है
कचहरी में सच की बड़ी दुर्दशा है, भला आदमी किस तरह से फंसा है
यहाँ झूठ की ही कमाई है बेटे, यहाँ झूठ का रेट हाई है बेटे
कचहरी का मारा कचहरी में भागे, कचहरी में सोये कचहरी में जागे
मर जी रहा है गवाही में ऐसे, है तांबे का हंडा सुराही में जैसे
लगाते-बुझाते सिखाते मिलेंगे, हथेली पे सरसों उगाते मिलेंगे
कचहरी तो बेवा का तन देखती है, कहाँ से खुलेगा बटन देखती है
कचहरी शरीफों की खातिर नहीं है, उसी की कसम लो जो हाज़िर नहीं है
है बासी मुहं घर से बुलाती कचहरी, बुलाकर के दिन भर रुलाती कचहरी
मुकदमें की फाइल दबाती कचहरी, हमेशा नया गुल खिलाती कचहरी
कचहरी का पानी जहर से भरा है, कचहरी के नल पर मुवक्किल मरा है
मुकदमा बहुत पैसा खाता है बेटे, मेरे जैसा कैसे निभाता है बेटे
दलालों नें घेरा सुझाया -बुझाया, वकीलों नें हाकिम से सटकर दिखाया
धनुष हो गया हूँ मैं टूटा नहीं हूँ, मैं मुट्ठी हूँ केवल अंगूंठा नहीं हूँ
नहीं कर सका मैं मुकदमें का सौदा, जहाँ था करौदा वहीं है करौदा
कचहरी का पानी कचहरी का दाना, तुम्हे लग न जाये तू बचना बचाना
भले और कोई मुसीबत बुलाना, कचहरी की नौबत कभी घर न लाना
कभी भूल कर भी न आँखें उठाना, न आँखें उठाना न गर्दन फसाना
जहाँ पांडवों को नरक है कचहरी, वहीं कौरवों को सरग है कचहरी ||

 

Kashmir Issue

My Journey to Jammu & Kashmir

I returned from a trip to Jammu & Kashmir a few days ago. Although I couldn’t complete my pilgrimage—since the police stopped us from entering the Kashmir Valley due to bad weather and ongoing violence—I have no regrets. I still had the chance to talk with locals and members of the Indian Army about one of the biggest social issues in India: the Kashmir conflict and the tensions between Hindus and Muslims.

My main purpose was to visit the Amarnath Temple, one of the holiest places on earth for Hindus. I had last been to Kashmir about ten years ago, at a time when the valley was beginning to recover and tourism was slowly returning. Back then, I saw no violence. Locals were happy and hopeful, welcoming visitors with warmth, as terrorism seemed to be on the decline. Since the economy of Kashmir depends heavily on tourism, peace was vital for them. But even a small spark of tension between India and Pakistan can bring the entire valley to a standstill.

This time, we reached Jammu by train and hired a taxi to Pahalgam, the base camp for the Amarnath Yatra. We left our hotel at around 10 a.m., full of excitement. But our journey was cut short—the police stopped us, citing bad weather, and refused to let us proceed. Our driver whispered that sometimes the police do this for no reason and suggested we speak to them. We tried, but they told us to wait. Nearby, I noticed an army check-post where some pilgrims were going inside. I decided to approach them too.

At the army office, our driver suggested we pretend we wanted to go to Katra instead of Amarnath. When I explained this to the officer, he told me he could only help if I had relatives in the army. Technically, I do—but I didn’t want to cause delay, so I said no. Fortunately, when he found out that I was from near Varanasi, he warmed up. He made it clear that the Indian Army never accepts bribes, but if I wanted to “understand how the J&K police function,” I could try offering them some money. He mentioned Rs. 500. He himself refused to intervene, since the army despises the J&K police for their corruption.

I was shocked, but at least it gave me a direction. We offered a police officer Rs. 300 per taxi, and he agreed. Just as we were about to proceed, another officer noticed us, turned aggressive, and the first officer also pretended to be angry. We were pushed back into line. While waiting, I struck up a conversation with another army man. What he told me disturbed me even more. He claimed that J&K no longer truly felt like a part of India, that even he didn’t know where it stood. He said the army was only there to protect people and added, bitterly, that if the army left even for a single day, the J&K police would “sell the entire region” to outsiders. According to him, the police were deeply corrupt and one of the main reasons terrorism still survived.

We spent ten hours waiting and were finally told to return and try again at 4 a.m. the next morning. When we did, the same thing happened—we were stopped again. As I stood in line, I met a young boy from Anantnag. He told me his family was too poor for him to study, so he sold hot water to pilgrims. Curious, I asked him if he had ever seen a terrorist. At first, he denied it, visibly uncomfortable. But after some time, he opened up. What he revealed broke my heart. Terrorists often came to his village and forced locals to host them. Families lived in fear—if they reported them to the army, they believed they would be killed sooner or later.

He said terrorists had even stayed in his house, and he felt powerless when they harassed his sister. Tears rolled down his face as he spoke. I was left speechless. He also told me about a friend’s family who had once hosted three militants. The army arrived for a routine ID check. When one soldier inside asked for ID, the terrorists opened fire and killed him. The army retaliated by blowing up the house, killing everyone inside. Locals protested against the army, but who was truly at fault? The terrorists, the army, or the helpless family? I still don’t know.

When I asked my driver what the people of Kashmir really wanted, his answer surprised me: “Neither India, nor Pakistan. They want independence.” I struggled to understand this. Independence would only mean poverty and isolation for years. In my view, staying with India is the most practical option—India has more resources, more opportunities, and a stronger future than Pakistan. But the driver disagreed. He said the army and politicians were the real problem, accusing soldiers of killing innocents and blaming America for all global tensions. I couldn’t accept that fully, but I realized how deep the resentment runs among the people.

Though I never reached Amarnath, my friends who went earlier shared chilling stories—kids on the streets shouting, “This is our land, not yours, you Indians,” and stone-pelting mobs attacking pilgrim vehicles. More than 200 cars were damaged. The hatred seemed to begin from such a young age. After four days in J&K, I returned with heavy questions in my heart. Why do people there see me, an Indian, as an outsider in my own country? Are we fighting for land, or for the rights of people who don’t even feel Indian? I don’t know if I have the right answers, but I do know this: Kashmir is India, and I hope one day the people of the valley can live in peace, free of terrorism, and once again welcome pilgrims and tourists with the spirit of Atithi Devo Bhava.

Peace.

USA visa application

I applied for my US visa a few days ago, but the process wasn’t as easy as I had expected. Some things went smoothly, but there were a few parts I really didn’t like. First of all, I had to deposit the visa fee. The good thing was that the US Embassy in India had arranged for the visa fee to be deposited at HDFC Bank branches in several cities. So, I just went to my local HDFC bank in Varanasi with my passport and deposited the fee, which was about Rs. 6,700. They told me I could use the receipt only after 24 hours, since it takes them that long to upload it into their system. Still, I thought it was convenient that I could handle this step locally.

After depositing the fee, I went to the US Embassy website to schedule my visa interview, but it redirected me to the VFS website. I had to fill out the DS-160 form, and that turned out to be a real struggle. The website kept disconnecting, and every time the connection failed, I had to start over. Even the website itself warned applicants to save every page before moving forward, which clearly meant they were aware of this problem. It took me two full days and at least 6–7 attempts before I finally managed to complete and submit the form online.

The most frustrating part came afterward, when I tried to book my visa interview appointment. For several days, I kept trying multiple times a day, but the website always showed the same message: “No date available for interview. Please try again after 24 hours.” After 4 or 5 days of this, I wrote to VFS about the issue, but their reply didn’t address my problem at all. It seemed more like a canned response they probably send to many applicants with different questions.

Finally, I decided to call VFS directly, and their answer really surprised me. They told me that their website only works properly around 8:00 in the morning, so I should try booking my appointment then. The next morning, I logged in at 8:00 AM, and sure enough, the system worked. I was able to successfully book my visa interview. It wasn’t a terrible experience overall, but I certainly didn’t expect something like this from US government services. Later, I explained the whole issue to one of my trip sponsors, and he suggested that I should write to the US Embassy in India to let them know about it. He was confident that the Embassy probably wasn’t aware of such a glitch. Still, whenever I think about this, it leaves me with a different impression of US government services than I had before.

Widows in Vrindavan

I worked again with Irene, a graduate student from Ca’ Foscari University of Venice, whose research topic was Hindu widows. I had already assisted her in October 2009 in Varanasi, but this time she wanted to visit Vrindavan. She had heard a lot about the widows from Bengal who live there, and about the city’s importance for Hindu widows. Since I did not know much about Vrindavan myself, I contacted my friend Yashu, who lives there, and he kindly promised to help. In fact, he arranged everything for us — hotel, food, and even many interviews.

Irene had already heard about the Bhajan Ashrams (ashrams where chanting sessions are organized) and wanted to visit them to see if it was possible to interview the women there. I had also heard about widows working in these ashrams, but I had no idea how many there were or how large they could be. To my surprise, there seemed to be at least one in every alley, and some were extremely large, housing three to four thousand widows under the same roof. These ashrams are generally run by wealthy religious people. Each widow who chants for three hours receives Rs. 2, along with a small portion of rice and lentils.

The ashrams usually run two or three shifts a day — the first beginning around 8:00 a.m. and the last ending around 6:00 p.m. However, not just any widow can join. They must first register with the ashram, after which their chanting time is scheduled. There are thousands of widows in Vrindavan, most of them — over 90% — from Bengal. Many do not speak Hindi. Some live in government ashrams, some in private ones, some rent small rooms, while others sleep on the streets or along the Yamuna River. Over 95% make a living by working in Bhajan Ashrams and begging. Most widows chant during the day and then beg in the mornings and evenings, when pilgrims are on their way to temples.

Vrindavan, known as the “city of temples,” has nearly 5,000 temples and is considered one of Hinduism’s holiest places. Each year, hundreds of thousands of pilgrims visit. Because of the religious devotion of visitors, donations are common — which makes Vrindavan an unfortunate hub for begging. It was painful to see how many widows depended on it for survival. When we asked the widows why they chose Vrindavan instead of other sacred cities like Varanasi or Haridwar, most said that Vrindavan is particularly popular among Bengalis. However, few knew the reason behind this. One non-widow woman shared a fascinating story:

She said that long ago, two brothers worked as cashiers in a king’s palace. One day, while busy with their work, they ordered water with sugar. By mistake, the servant mixed salt instead of sugar. The brothers drank it without noticing, so absorbed were they in their work. When the servant confessed his mistake, they were astonished that they hadn’t realized the difference. This made them reflect: If they could be so devoted to their worldly duty, why not apply the same devotion to God?

The brothers abandoned material life and came to Vrindavan, then a forest, to meditate. Their devotion was so powerful that even the king came to meet them. When he offered them any reward, they only asked him to repair the broken stones at the ghat where they meditated. To the king’s shock, the ghat was made of precious stones that were rarer than anything in his own palace. Realizing their spiritual greatness, the king then offered them as much land as their eyes could see from one spot — and that land became Vrindavan. This, people say, is why Vrindavan is so popular among Bengalis.

Despite Irene’s efforts, we managed to interview only about ten women. Most did not speak Hindi, which limited communication. We also visited two government-run widow ashrams: one by the central government and one by the state of Uttar Pradesh. The central government ashram was more organized, a new building with 500–600 rooms and about 2,700 widows living there. At first, a government helper allowed us to sit and talk with the women. But soon, another official stopped us, insisting we needed permission from the district magistrate. A similar thing happened at the largest Bhajan Ashram. Finally, when we reached the state-run ashram, a kind security guard let us conduct interviews discreetly. He warned us not to let the officers find out, explaining that both officers there were corrupt.

According to him, officers steal from the widows’ pensions. They first demand Rs. 300 from each widow to issue a pension registration card, which is supposed to be free. Then they claim the pension takes a year to start, when in fact it begins within days. This way, they pocket the widows’ entire first-year pension. Even afterward, they keep half of the monthly pension for themselves. With about 300 widows in the ashram, he estimated that they steal around Rs. 90,000 every month, while also bribing higher officials to remain silent. I was shocked and saddened to hear this. How could anyone exploit poor widows who survive on Rs. 2 and a handful of grains?

It also explained why officials at the central ashram had tried to stop us from interviewing women — they didn’t want their corruption exposed. Because of these obstacles, we shifted focus to interviewing widows who lived independently. Many shared heartbreaking stories. Most were married very young, lost their husbands early, were denied education, and eventually came to Vrindavan. Some left home because their own children neglected them. A few Bengali women told us they stay in Vrindavan for 11 months, save money and grains, and then return home briefly to give everything to their children.

We also noticed cultural differences. Many Bengali widows did not strongly believe that widowhood was punishment for sins in past lives, while most North Indian widows did. Curiously, although North Indians often say Bengal discriminates most against widows, the Bengali women we spoke with did not feel this way. Perhaps, sadly, they have normalized discrimination to the point where they no longer recognize it as injustice. We asked about widow remarriage. Interestingly, older widows (around 70) supported remarriage, while younger widows (40–50) believed it was a sin. Younger widows felt that widowhood was divine punishment, and if they tried to escape it by remarrying, they would be punished further — even becoming widows again in the next life. Perhaps older widows, having faced loneliness, understood the value of companionship more deeply.

Later, we spoke with a Sanskrit scholar and katha speaker to learn what Hindu texts say about widowhood. She explained that scriptures list several causes for widowhood: disrupting another couple’s marriage, engaging in extramarital relationships, or even physical relations during the menstrual cycle. She insisted these rules applied equally to men and women. Interestingly, this also suggests that love marriages were accepted in Hinduism, since forcing someone into an unwanted marriage is condemned.

After spending time in Vrindavan and Varanasi, I reached one strong conclusion: widows who stay with their families and find some work, however small, live far happier lives than those who depend on ashrams or begging. The situation in ashrams is tragic, worsened by corruption and lack of accountability. In my view, the only real solution is education. If women are educated and skilled, they can seek employment, support themselves, and live with dignity. The question is: when will the Indian government finally take women’s education seriously?