Ayodhya court decision

Ayodhya, Ayodhya, Ayodhya…

I think this is the most popular word in India these days. Everyone was talking about the High Court’s decision on the Babri Mosque demolition case. This mosque was destroyed by a group of Hindus on 6th December 1992, and since then the case had been pending in the Allahabad High Court. The entire country was waiting with both excitement and fear. In Varanasi, where police are rarely seen on normal days, the streets were suddenly filled with security forces. Army personnel were stationed everywhere, and helicopters circled above. The atmosphere was tense and frightening, as people feared possible riots after the verdict.

Finally, the decision came. The court attempted to strike a balance — trying to make both Hindus and Muslims happy. But Muslims were clearly dissatisfied and immediately decided to challenge the verdict in the Supreme Court of India. Of course, everyone already knew that whichever side lost in the High Court would appeal to the Supreme Court, but it was still surprising to see political leaders who had been urging the public to “respect the verdict” suddenly turn angry themselves when the judgment didn’t align with their expectations.

I spoke to a Muslim acquaintance about his views. He said Muslims felt deeply hurt and disappointed. According to him, the High Court had treated them “like beggars” by giving them only a small portion of the land, even though they believe the entire disputed site rightfully belonged to them. I personally disagreed with this view, because history shows that there was once a Ram temple at the site, which was demolished by Babur. For the sake of harmony and unity, I feel Muslims should also acknowledge this and accept the land they were allotted.

In fact, if we look at it strictly from Islamic principles, the Babri mosque should not have been considered a legitimate mosque at all. Islam clearly states that no mosque built by destroying a sacred site of another religion can be considered a mosque. This means the Babri mosque was invalid from the beginning. And above all, that land is believed to be the birthplace of Lord Rama — one of the most sacred places for Hindus, perhaps the most sacred in all of India. For Muslims, the Babri mosque was neither historically important nor religiously unique. So why be so unhappy?

I am certain that Hindus would never compromise on this site, and Muslims too should reflect on its importance. Thankfully, the most positive outcome of the verdict was that no riots broke out this time. In 1992, hundreds of people lost their lives, and in subsequent years the anniversary often brought violence. But by God’s grace, this time it passed peacefully, even though emotions were high. It seems that the younger generation of Hindus is less invested in this dispute than before, but the worry lies with some Muslim groups.

Islam divides the world into Muslims and non-Muslims (Kafirs). It also considers idol worship to be Haram (forbidden), which makes it hard for Muslims to sympathize with Hindu temples. Many even know that the Babri mosque was built by demolishing a Hindu temple, yet they would never support the Hindu claim. Some even feel pride in the fact that invaders destroyed Hindu temples and converted Hindus to Islam.

I find it strange and troubling that many Muslims in India connect themselves with those invaders, even regarding them as their ancestors. This mindset is dangerous. India is the second-largest Muslim-majority country in the world, and if a section of its population begins to see itself as aligned with invaders rather than with India itself, then one day this mentality could do serious harm to the country.

Quran Burning in United States

Quran burning has been in the news worldwide lately, and I was genuinely concerned about the potential consequences. I strongly oppose such acts. While I recognize that there are serious issues within the Quran, including instructions that promote violence against non-believers, these cannot be tolerated in a civilized society. Instead of burning the book, I believe people should engage in open debates and discussions. If anything is found to be problematic, it should be either removed or the book should be banned altogether. Burning it will not lead to any positive outcomes. Anyway, I came across a hilarious remix video about the issue that relieved my tension and brought me some joy. 🙂

Kathmandu Gay Pride 2010

I traveled to Nepal with my friend Babu to attend the Kathmandu Gay Pride, and it was truly an unforgettable experience. We took a bus from Varanasi to Sonauli, catching the last one at 8:30 PM. It was an overnight journey, and the bus ride was quite uncomfortable. The road was terrible, and I couldn’t sleep at all. We finally arrived at the Sonauli border at 7 AM and took a pedal rickshaw to cross. I was carrying some electronics like a video camera, photo camera, and voice recorder, and I wanted to declare them at the Indian customs office.

beautiful nature

beautiful nature

When I told Babu about declaring the electronics, he laughed and said it wasn’t necessary. However, I had experienced issues before during my first trip to Nepal in 1996. Back then, I was traveling with my family. We had a camera, which we declared at the Sonauli border and received a receipt for. Unfortunately, we lost it while in Nepal, and on our return, customs checked our baggage, found the camera, and claimed it wasn’t allowed to bring electronics from Nepal to India.

Babu

Babu at Pashupati nath temple

We were shocked when they insisted it wasn’t our camera, despite having a receipt. The customs officers were simply looking for a bribe. We ended up giving them some money to be allowed to leave. This experience stayed in my mind, which is why I didn’t want to take any chances this time. When I approached the customs office at the Sonauli border to declare my electronics, the officers laughed and said, “You’re very smart.”

very colorful country

Beautiful

I declared my items and got a receipt, but they again asked for a bribe for issuing it. I questioned why they were asking for a bribe now, and one officer explained it was just the system. I offered Rs. 20, but he insisted on at least Rs. 50. In the end, I gave him Rs. 40 and received my receipt. I had hoped that by declaring my electronics in advance, I could avoid any problems or corruption, but it seemed unavoidable. After obtaining the receipt, we crossed the border into Nepal.

carving on Nepali houses

Wooden windows

Although Nepal had been a Hindu country until a few years ago, I expected its culture to be similar to India’s. However, there was a noticeable difference right at the border: different-looking people, clothing, more working women, and different vehicles. It felt like a completely different country. The one similarity was the presence of touts trying to exploit tourists. Many approached us immediately to sell bus tickets to Kathmandu and hotel rooms.

Temple doorways

Temple doorways

Babu warned me that these touts often lied. They claimed a bus would leave within the hour, but Babu assured me that buses typically don’t leave before 4 PM. I was skeptical until my rickshaw driver confirmed it. There are direct buses from the Sonauli border to Kathmandu, but only in the early morning or late afternoon. Luckily, Babu was with me, and I avoided the touts. We took a bus from the Sonauli border to a place called Bhairava, which was only about a 30-minute ride.

Forest

Forest

Bhairava is the largest bus station near the Sonauli border, and there are regular buses to Kathmandu. We arrived by 9 AM and learned that a bus would leave at 9:30. I noticed something peculiar: Nepal has no government bus service, so all buses are private, with no fixed fares. I wasn’t aware I was supposed to bargain for the bus fare, but Babu handled it. The counter initially quoted us Rs. 450, but we ended up paying Rs. 350.

green and wet

Greenery everywhere

The bus departed at 9:30 but was stopped 15 minutes later by the army. I thought they would check everyone, but they only looked around and inspected a few bags. Surprisingly, they weren’t just searching for weapons; they were also checking for potatoes and sugar. I laughed when Babu explained that the authorities wanted to prevent smuggling these items from India, where they are cheaper. It was interesting to learn about the trade dynamics.

Pashupati nath temple

pashupati nath temple

Nepali buses were cramped, with little legroom. It rained continuously from Sonauli to Kathmandu, and water even came in through the windows despite being closed. I was soaked for over 12 hours on the bus. The nature in Nepal was breathtaking—clean rivers, fresh air, and lush greenery. I noticed that there seemed to be more working women in Nepal than in India. Many shops were run by women, and they appeared to be in better circumstances than their Indian counterparts.

family voilence

Signboard about family violence

Nepal appeared more progressive regarding women’s rights compared to India. Women traveled alone, worked in offices, ran shops, and even drove auto rickshaws. It was refreshing to see. I was particularly struck by the number of alcohol shops run by women—something I had never encountered in India. I met a female shop owner and struck up a conversation with her.

People

Nepali girl

I asked her if she felt safe managing an alcohol shop alone and dealing with often-drunk male customers. She replied that running the business was no different from how any male family member would manage it. When I inquired about societal attitudes towards women in alcohol sales, she mentioned that Nepali society is quite progressive in terms of women’s rights. She had never visited India but had seen it on TV, and she didn’t seem particularly excited about it.

A participant at the parade

liberal Nepali girl

I explained to her that it’s nearly impossible to find women selling alcohol in India and that there are fewer working women overall. She was aware of the situation and pointed out that many Indian families in Nepal restrict their women from working outside the home. When I asked what Nepali people think of this, she candidly said, “Honestly, we think Indians are crazy and backward.” I was taken aback, but it’s true that, in terms of women’s rights, India has a long way to go compared to Nepal.

the most beautiful alcohol bottle I had ever seen

An alcohol bottle

The nature throughout Nepal was stunning. It was clear that the environment remains largely untouched—thick jungles, beautiful rivers, fewer industries, less traffic, and majestic mountains. I truly enjoyed the natural beauty of Nepal. I noticed only five large factories during the entire bus ride from Sonauli to Kathmandu, and two of them were Indian factories. While this means less pollution, it also means fewer jobs, which contributes to poverty.

the most luxry way to travel in Nepal

Luxury way to travel in Nepal

Poverty in Nepal struck me deeply. Along the Sonauli-Kathmandu highway, I saw many homes and people, but what was surprising was that many seemed to be doing nothing—just sitting around and chatting. It felt like they had no work to occupy them. I encountered numerous children selling water bottles and snacks along the road. Nepal has suffered significantly from political instability in recent years, which appears to be a major cause of its poverty. The Nepalis I spoke with seemed discontent with the political situation.

 

beautiful windows

Beautiful window art

Finally, we arrived in Kathmandu around 8 PM, and it was still raining. I had read about a neighborhood called Thamel, known for its hotels, and I wanted to stay there. Babu warned me that locals often give wrong directions, so he suggested asking someone at an Indian-run shop. We found a paan shop, bought a few items, and asked for directions. Fortunately, the shopkeeper was helpful, and after about a 10-minute walk and a few inquiries, we made it to Thamel.

Cremations at Pashupati Nath temple

Cremations at Pashupati Nath temple

Thamel was bustling with hotels, making it a popular spot for backpackers. We checked several hotels, but the prices were steep. Babu said we could find a room for around 500 NR, but none offered rates below 1000 INR. Eventually, we reached Annapurna Hotel, where they wanted to charge us 800 INR per night. I mentioned I was a government-approved tour guide in India, and they agreed to give me a room for 500 INR.

Nepali food that I didn't like at all

To be honest I did not like it at all

The hotel initially seemed nice, but we soon discovered that the pillow covers and bed sheets were used, the cable connection didn’t work, and the telephone was dead. We complained, and they promised to fix everything by the next morning, but that morning never came before we left. I wasn’t there to enjoy luxury, watch TV, or make calls from my room, so I didn’t mind too much. We went out for dinner, but most restaurants were closed by 8:30 PM. We eventually found an open restaurant and had our meal.

I had read various articles about nightlife in Nepal, including dance bars and massage centers. Some claimed it was safe, while others warned of potential dangers. Many articles described how people would spend significant money at nightclubs and face misbehavior. I also read about underage kids involved in the sex industry. Curiosity got the better of us, and we decided to visit at least one nightclub in Kathmandu.

While walking around Thamel, I noticed numerous massage parlors. As we passed one, a boy who appeared to be about 15 approached me and asked what I was looking at. I explained I was merely checking out the advertisements. He insisted that I was interested in something special. I clarified that I wasn’t looking for anything like that. He continued to follow us, offering young, beautiful girls at low prices. There were many pimps lurking around, watching tourists.

I managed to return to my hotel safely. The next day, we worked for a while, explored, and did some shopping. I missed vegetarian Indian food,

Kashmir Issue

My Journey to Jammu & Kashmir

I returned from a trip to Jammu & Kashmir a few days ago. Although I couldn’t complete my pilgrimage—since the police stopped us from entering the Kashmir Valley due to bad weather and ongoing violence—I have no regrets. I still had the chance to talk with locals and members of the Indian Army about one of the biggest social issues in India: the Kashmir conflict and the tensions between Hindus and Muslims.

My main purpose was to visit the Amarnath Temple, one of the holiest places on earth for Hindus. I had last been to Kashmir about ten years ago, at a time when the valley was beginning to recover and tourism was slowly returning. Back then, I saw no violence. Locals were happy and hopeful, welcoming visitors with warmth, as terrorism seemed to be on the decline. Since the economy of Kashmir depends heavily on tourism, peace was vital for them. But even a small spark of tension between India and Pakistan can bring the entire valley to a standstill.

This time, we reached Jammu by train and hired a taxi to Pahalgam, the base camp for the Amarnath Yatra. We left our hotel at around 10 a.m., full of excitement. But our journey was cut short—the police stopped us, citing bad weather, and refused to let us proceed. Our driver whispered that sometimes the police do this for no reason and suggested we speak to them. We tried, but they told us to wait. Nearby, I noticed an army check-post where some pilgrims were going inside. I decided to approach them too.

At the army office, our driver suggested we pretend we wanted to go to Katra instead of Amarnath. When I explained this to the officer, he told me he could only help if I had relatives in the army. Technically, I do—but I didn’t want to cause delay, so I said no. Fortunately, when he found out that I was from near Varanasi, he warmed up. He made it clear that the Indian Army never accepts bribes, but if I wanted to “understand how the J&K police function,” I could try offering them some money. He mentioned Rs. 500. He himself refused to intervene, since the army despises the J&K police for their corruption.

I was shocked, but at least it gave me a direction. We offered a police officer Rs. 300 per taxi, and he agreed. Just as we were about to proceed, another officer noticed us, turned aggressive, and the first officer also pretended to be angry. We were pushed back into line. While waiting, I struck up a conversation with another army man. What he told me disturbed me even more. He claimed that J&K no longer truly felt like a part of India, that even he didn’t know where it stood. He said the army was only there to protect people and added, bitterly, that if the army left even for a single day, the J&K police would “sell the entire region” to outsiders. According to him, the police were deeply corrupt and one of the main reasons terrorism still survived.

We spent ten hours waiting and were finally told to return and try again at 4 a.m. the next morning. When we did, the same thing happened—we were stopped again. As I stood in line, I met a young boy from Anantnag. He told me his family was too poor for him to study, so he sold hot water to pilgrims. Curious, I asked him if he had ever seen a terrorist. At first, he denied it, visibly uncomfortable. But after some time, he opened up. What he revealed broke my heart. Terrorists often came to his village and forced locals to host them. Families lived in fear—if they reported them to the army, they believed they would be killed sooner or later.

He said terrorists had even stayed in his house, and he felt powerless when they harassed his sister. Tears rolled down his face as he spoke. I was left speechless. He also told me about a friend’s family who had once hosted three militants. The army arrived for a routine ID check. When one soldier inside asked for ID, the terrorists opened fire and killed him. The army retaliated by blowing up the house, killing everyone inside. Locals protested against the army, but who was truly at fault? The terrorists, the army, or the helpless family? I still don’t know.

When I asked my driver what the people of Kashmir really wanted, his answer surprised me: “Neither India, nor Pakistan. They want independence.” I struggled to understand this. Independence would only mean poverty and isolation for years. In my view, staying with India is the most practical option—India has more resources, more opportunities, and a stronger future than Pakistan. But the driver disagreed. He said the army and politicians were the real problem, accusing soldiers of killing innocents and blaming America for all global tensions. I couldn’t accept that fully, but I realized how deep the resentment runs among the people.

Though I never reached Amarnath, my friends who went earlier shared chilling stories—kids on the streets shouting, “This is our land, not yours, you Indians,” and stone-pelting mobs attacking pilgrim vehicles. More than 200 cars were damaged. The hatred seemed to begin from such a young age. After four days in J&K, I returned with heavy questions in my heart. Why do people there see me, an Indian, as an outsider in my own country? Are we fighting for land, or for the rights of people who don’t even feel Indian? I don’t know if I have the right answers, but I do know this: Kashmir is India, and I hope one day the people of the valley can live in peace, free of terrorism, and once again welcome pilgrims and tourists with the spirit of Atithi Devo Bhava.

Peace.

Kolkata Gay Pride 2010

Beginning of the Parade

I had the opportunity to attend Kolkata Gay Pride on the 2nd of July. I arrived in Kolkata on the 1st, after attending Chennai Pride and spending a few days in Bangalore. My friend Sourendra from Mumbai introduced me to Mr. Rajshree Chakrobarty, Secretary of the Dum Dum Society and one of the organizers of Kolkata Pride. I knew that Kolkata was the first city in India to host a pride march, so I expected it to be the biggest one this year as well. But when I reached the parade venue, I was shocked to see that there were hardly 50 people present.

Begining of the parade


Mr. Chakrobarty Explains

Before I could even ask, Mr. Chakrobarty told me why the turnout was so low. He explained that most of the organizations working on gay rights in Kolkata had boycotted the parade due to internal politics. As a result, only the Dum Dum Society and another group called Anandam organized the event this year. I was surprised to hear this but also glad that at least someone took the initiative to keep the parade alive.

Mr. Chakrobarty


The Parade

The parade began at Jatin Das Park near Hazra Crossing and ended at the Academy of Fine Arts. It started with around 40–50 participants but was lively and full of energy. Having attended several pride parades in India over the past year, I found Kolkata’s to be the most liberal and open. Nobody wore masks to hide their identity. An auto rickshaw with loudspeakers led the march while participants sang songs about human rights, equality, and gender justice. They also distributed pamphlets about LGBT rights.

Good message


Growing Numbers

It rained for most of the march, but that didn’t stop people from joining. By the time we reached the Academy of Fine Arts, the crowd had grown to over 100 participants. The most inspiring moment for me was seeing so many young lesbian couples join towards the end. I had never seen so many lesbians at a pride event in India—not in Mumbai, Delhi, or Chennai. What struck me most was their age: they were very young, unlike the older women I had usually seen. These young women knew their families would find out if they marched publicly, but they still chose to participate. That level of openness and courage really impressed me.

Very colorful event


Speeches and Performances

At the Academy, the parade concluded with speeches by Mr. Ranjeet Sinha, Mr. Rajshree Chakrobarty, and other social activists. Later, I joined Mr. Chakrobarty for a cultural program organized by Saathi, which provided a platform for the LGBT community to showcase their talents. The program included dance performances, fashion shows featuring designs created by LGBT members, and traditional Kolkata songs. I was amazed by the quality of the performances. The municipality chairman attended as the chief guest, and the event drew a crowd of nearly 500 people—much larger than the parade itself.

Cultural dance performance


Learning from Kolkata

During my time there, I interviewed Mr. Chakrobarty, Mr. Ranjeet Sinha, and several others from the community. Mr. Chakrobarty told me that gay activism in Kolkata began as early as 1989, making it one of the first cities in India to do so. Today, there are about six or seven organizations working on LGBT rights in the city. He explained that conditions for LGBT people in the city are better than in suburban or rural areas, largely due to greater media presence and more active organizations. However, compared to Mumbai and Delhi, life in Kolkata is still more difficult, as it is the poorest metropolitan city in India.

the most important message


Discrimination and Social Challenges

Mr. Chakrobarty also pointed out that transgender people face the harshest discrimination because their identities are more visible. He emphasized that while all LGBT individuals face discrimination, trans people often bear the brunt of it. We also discussed the common misconception in India that homosexuality is a disease or a temporary fashion—something that can be “cured” by marriage or yoga, as suggested by figures like Baba Ramdev. Like others I have interviewed, he firmly said this is impossible: sexuality cannot be changed. Many gay men marry under family pressure but continue same-sex relationships, proving that marriage is not a solution.

She was very active

He also reminded me that homosexuality has always existed in Indian culture, citing references in Hindu scriptures, temple carvings, and even stories from the Ramayana. He noted that Section 377 was a colonial law imposed by the British, and that the Delhi High Court’s judgment to strike it down was a step toward justice.


Meeting Mr. Ranjeet Sinha

I also had the privilege of meeting Mr. Ranjeet Sinha, a transgender activist working in Kolkata and surrounding districts. He shared the struggles trans people face, including the lack of recognition in official documents like passports and voter IDs. He spoke about the humiliation trans people often face in public toilets and demanded separate facilities. He also told me about a transgender activist friend with AIDS who was forced by doctors to dress as a man before being admitted to the hospital. Mr. Sinha criticized NGOs for focusing solely on HIV/AIDS and neglecting broader issues affecting the transgender community. He praised South Indian states, especially Chennai, for making more progress on transgender rights.

Good slogan


Final Thoughts

Kolkata Pride may have been smaller this year, but it taught me so much. I was deeply inspired by the courage of the young participants, the dedication of people like Mr. Chakrobarty and Mr. Sinha, and the resilience of the community despite internal challenges. I sincerely hope that next year, all organizations will put aside their differences and come together to make Kolkata Pride as strong and vibrant as it deserves to be—a true celebration of equal rights for all.

He had a lot of fun

US visa refused

I had my US visa interview at the US Embassy in New Delhi, and to my disappointment, it was refused. This was the last thing I was expecting. Both I and the people supporting my trip were almost certain I would get the visa. I had four sponsorship letters, my sponsor’s bank account papers, and my own documents, but the visa officer didn’t even look at them. I reached the embassy at 7:45 AM for my 8:00 AM interview. Security seemed very strict and was managed by a private security company. I didn’t see any Indian police there, which, in my opinion, was a good decision. Personally, I trust private security more than the local police.

One thing I noticed was that a large number of applicants were Sikhs—perhaps more than half of the people there. I had already observed something unusual on the US Embassy website: they listed separate helpline numbers for different regions of India, and Punjab was given its own line, separate from “North India.” The website actually says “North India (except Punjab)”—which I found both surprising and somewhat amusing.

Since the embassy is a no-parking zone, vehicles are not even allowed to stop in front of it, and even the general public isn’t permitted to stand nearby. Only people with official business are allowed inside. First, my documents were checked outside by security staff, and then I was allowed into the building. The first step inside was a detailed security check. Every single item I carried—including my documents—was scanned carefully.

After this, I was directed to a large hall where many other applicants were already seated. A staff member guided me on how to arrange my documents in the correct order, then sent me to another officer who checked them and gave me a small slip with my interview number on it. I waited around 45 minutes until my number was called. Applicants were sent in groups of 10 through a passage into another big hall.

At first, an Indian officer (probably a VFS employee) checked my documents and asked a few basic questions, most of which I had already answered on the visa form. Then a young woman escorted me to another counter, where I met my first American staff member. His task was to take my digital fingerprints. It was the first time in my life I had gone through this process, and honestly, I preferred it to the messy ink method used at Indian offices. I remembered how, just a few months earlier, my thumb had been stained with ink at the Varanasi court while applying for my marriage certificate.

After fingerprints, I waited again for my interview number. I was nervous but curious, as this was my first visa interview. Finally, my number was called, and I approached the counter where a professional-looking officer—the visa consular—was seated behind a glass partition. His first question was where I wanted to go. I told him Seattle and a few other cities. He asked why, and I explained “tourism and business.” He smiled and said, “A little bit of both?” Over the next two minutes, he asked me several quick questions, including my income. That, I believe, was the turning point. I honestly told him my annual earnings. He typed something into his computer, kept my documents aside, and then returned my passport with a brief statement:

“I’m sorry, I cannot give you a visa. According to US laws, you do not qualify.”

I was shocked. I explained that my trip was fully sponsored, that I would be staying with friends, and therefore didn’t need a large budget. But he said those things didn’t matter. I asked what I should do next, and he advised me to try again in a few years when my financial situation improves. It was clear that my income was lower than what they expect from applicants.

I left the embassy disappointed. I had been so excited about the trip, and I was confident it would have opened up great business opportunities for me. But despite the refusal, I don’t blame the embassy or its policies. Everything inside was very well organized, the staff were professional, and the system ran smoothly. The visa officer, in my eyes, was simply doing his duty—like a robot, without personal bias or attachment.

It was not the end of the world for me. I respect the process, and I will try again next year when I am in a stronger financial position. And I know, for sure, that I will be better prepared. 🙂

Sunita Williams missing

I stayed at JNU for two days with a Muslim friend, whose brother and cousin are also students here. They told me a surprising story from their time at Aligarh Muslim University. A few years ago, all students were gathered for a lecture by a mullah (an Islamic religious leader). The students were initially unsure what to expect, but the lecture turned out to be a tirade against America rather than a discussion on Islam. The mullah spoke about Sunita Williams, an astronaut of Indian origin who flew to space under NASA’s program in 2006.

He claimed that while she was in space, looking down at Earth, she saw the entire planet in darkness except for two places—Mecca and Medina, the two holiest cities in Islam. According to him, these cities shone brightly, like stars, while the rest of the Earth remained dark. This, he argued, was a miracle from Allah, demonstrating that Allah is supreme and that Islam is the only true religion. The mullah asserted that after witnessing this “miracle,” Sunita, along with six other astronauts she was working with in space, became deeply devoted to Islam.

When they returned to Earth, they converted to Islam. The mullah claimed that the American government disapproved of their conversion and took action against them, leading to the disappearance of Sunita and the other six astronauts. While the mullah did not provide details about what happened to them, it was implied that their disappearance was a result of their conversion to Islam and the American government’s disapproval. My friend said the mullahs were extremely agitated and loud while sharing this story.

The mullah claimed that Sunita was frequently featured on Indian TV before and shortly after her space mission. However, he asserted that she disappeared from the media shortly after her return. The mullah questioned the students about Sunita’s whereabouts and suggested that her disappearance was due to her discovery that Mecca and Medina were the most radiant cities on Earth and her subsequent conversion to Islam. He implied that the American government was responsible for her and the other astronauts’ disappearance because of their conversion.

This claim infuriated many students, and even my friend, who is pursuing a PhD, believed the mullah’s story. I was taken aback that someone so educated could accept such a fantastical tale. I knew the story was false, so I decided to show him some information online. I already knew that Las Vegas is famously known as one of the most brightly lit cities on the planet, and I shared that with him. While he pretended to reject the mullah’s story after reading the Wikipedia article on Las Vegas, it was clear that he still leaned towards believing the mullah’s narrative.

I recall that my friend once told me it was his dream to witness the complete destruction of America before he dies. When I asked him why, he recounted several grievances related to America’s actions in Israel, Afghanistan, and Iraq. I don’t understand why some religious leaders engage in such behavior. What drives them to spread false information and involve themselves in politics? They should recognize that these actions contribute to the decline in religious participation.

Religion itself isn’t inherently problematic, but it becomes problematic when it is led by individuals who exploit it for their own agendas. For instance, some of my Christian friends mentioned that, historically, churches in the West used to issue certificates of forgiveness for sins in exchange for money. Practices like these erode people’s faith and lead them to question the authenticity of religious institutions. Religious leaders need to understand that their actions have significant consequences, and such practices can undermine the credibility of their faith and institutions.

They should realize that their actions are not beneficial to religion; rather, they will have a profoundly negative impact in the future. With the rapid spread of information and the increasing accessibility of the internet, their misleading practices will come under scrutiny. As people gain more knowledge and question these actions, these leaders will find themselves without valid answers. They should see this as a warning sign and recognize the potential dangers of continuing down this path.

Voting Day 2009 in Varanasi

Voting day in Benares was on the 16th. Everyone was supposed to have a voter ID card issued by the Election Commission of India, but once again this year, not everyone received theirs, including me. Three days before the elections, I read in the newspaper that voters could use 16 different types of documents instead of the voter ID card. Since I didn’t have a voter ID, I went to vote with my ration card and PAN card (income tax card). I first went to Assi Crossing, where assistance centers for all the major political parties were set up. This year, there were four assistance centers: BJP, Congress, SP, and BSP. I needed to get a slip with my serial number from any of these centers to verify my name on the voting list.

I chose the Congress counter because it had the least number of people, whereas the BJP counter was the most crowded. After getting my slip at the Congress counter, I decided to visit the other counters as well. At the Congress Party counter, I saw something quite unusual: they were offering breakfast to people visiting their counter, which is an illegal activity. The counter was on the main road, but the breakfast was served inside a room. They encouraged people to go inside, have breakfast, and then vote for Congress. It was surprising to see how many people switched their support this year. Those who were at the BJP counter during the last elections were now at the SP counter. It’s amazing how quickly political allegiances can change.

The BJP candidate, Mr. Murli Manohar Joshi, called me a day before the election. Usually, political campaigns use automated calls, but this one seemed personal. At first, I thought it was a computer call, but the responses matched my questions, so I believe it was Mr. Joshi himself. Unfortunately, I was in a hurry and couldn’t talk to him much. I would have liked to have a longer conversation with him. Mr. Joshi asked me to vote for a suitable candidate. While he never explicitly asked me to vote for him, he did identify himself at the end of the call, which was a clear hint. Since he was my preferred candidate, I voted for him, though I would have liked to ask him some questions before casting my vote. Maybe next time.

When I went to vote, I noticed there was less security than usual. There were only four or five security guards at the polling booth, whereas polling booths are typically guarded more heavily. Various party representatives were urging me to vote for their respective parties. Some individuals had Fevicol (a type of adhesive) and other chemicals, advising me to apply them to my finger before voting so I could remove the ink easily and vote multiple times for their party later in the day. They were also keeping track of those who hadn’t voted yet and planned to send someone to vote in their names. Despite these manipulations, I was content to vote only in my name.

Samajwadi Party’s Manifesto 2009

Politics in India is particularly heated right now, with all major parties releasing their manifestos for the upcoming elections. Recently, the Samajwadi Party unveiled its manifesto in Lucknow. The party’s chief, Mr. Mulayam Singh Yadav, made some controversial statements. He proposed banning computers, English-medium schools, the stock market, harvesting machines, and high corporate salaries. His rationale seems to be that these elements create unemployment and contribute to inequality.

I believe that rather than banning English, efforts should be made to promote and strengthen Hindi. India’s global competitiveness is partly due to our proficiency in English, which is a significant advantage over countries like China. If English were banned, it could harm our international standing. Moreover, many top Indian leaders, including the Prime Minister and President, often speak English in their addresses. It would be more constructive to advocate for the use of Hindi without eliminating English.

Interestingly, Mr. Akhilesh Yadav, Mr. Mulayam Singh Yadav’s son, was educated in English-medium schools. It seems inconsistent for Mr. Mulayam Singh to advocate for banning such schools when his own family has benefited from them. Instead of eliminating English education, the focus should be on prioritizing Hindi while maintaining the importance of English. Moreover, banning computers is an absurd idea in the 21st century when digital technology is crucial for progress.

Computers play a significant role in various sectors, including the IT industry, which is a major contributor to India’s economy. The manifesto itself was likely printed using computers, highlighting the hypocrisy of such a ban. During Mr. Mulayam Singh Yadav’s previous tenure as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, allegations of corruption surfaced. A committee led by Mayawati discovered that thousands of police jobs were given in exchange for bribes, leading to their dismissal. Banning computers might hinder transparency and anti-corruption efforts by eliminating digital records.

Mr. Yadav’s disdain for the stock market also raises questions. Politicians are required to declare their assets, and investments in the stock market must be disclosed. By opposing the stock market, Mr. Yadav might be attempting to obscure financial dealings and evade scrutiny. Corrupt practices, such as stashing money in Swiss banks, are prevalent, and the stock market provides a transparent mechanism for tracking investments. Additionally, the manifesto’s stance on harvesting machines reflects a lack of understanding.

These machines increase agricultural efficiency and productivity, which is crucial for a country with a large agricultural sector. The Samajwadi Party’s focus on destroying such technology seems contradictory, especially when considering other significant issues like preserving cultural heritage. Ultimately, it seems that the Samajwadi Party’s manifesto is more about appealing to certain voter demographics rather than addressing substantive issues. Instead of targeting technological and educational advancements, political leaders should focus on improving education quality, reducing corruption, and preserving cultural landmarks.

As the saying goes, “Vote ke liye sala kuch bhi karega…” – for votes, they will say anything.

Voting in Indian elections

Many people have decided not to vote in this year’s elections due to frustration with the current government. I was among those considering abstaining from voting. However, I recently discovered an interesting option: even if you choose not to vote, you can still visit the election booth and inform the officer of your decision. They will then record your refusal in a special register designated for individuals who opt out of voting. This ensures that no one else can cast a vote in your name.

Political parties maintain detailed lists of voters in their constituencies and closely monitor voter turnout. To facilitate the voting process, they set up booths near polling stations where voters can collect a slip containing their name, address, and other necessary details. Without this slip, individuals cannot vote. Consequently, party workers at these booths know which voters have cast their ballots and which have not.

As the voting period nears its end, parties often identify those who haven’t voted and send representatives to vote on their behalf. This can lead to instances where individuals discover that their vote has already been cast by someone else, making it difficult to contest. The new system of formally registering a refusal to vote can be a valuable tool to prevent such misuse. By officially recording your decision not to vote, you ensure that your name remains protected from being used fraudulently.

For those who have lost faith in the electoral process but still want to ensure their vote is not misused, this option provides a safeguard. I encourage everyone who chooses not to vote to use this system to secure their rights and prevent any potential abuse.