Caste system in India

Casteism in Modern India: A Personal Reflection

Casteism has always been a big issue in India. Originally, the caste system was designed as a way to organize society, based on profession rather than birth. It wasn’t meant to divide people permanently. In fact, in the past, caste was flexible — if someone changed their profession, their caste also changed. But over time, people with power altered the system for their own benefit, and now a person’s caste is decided entirely by the caste of their parents. Once you are born a Brahmin, you remain a Brahmin forever, no matter your work or life choices.

Traditionally, different castes had specific roles: Kshatriyas were warriors and rulers, Brahmins were scholars and priests, Vaishyas were traders, and Shudras worked in service professions and farming. In the earliest system, this arrangement was functional and not necessarily oppressive. But the distortion began when kings and higher-caste elites realized that if their children chose different professions, they could lose their social power. To protect their dominance, they declared that caste would be hereditary — fixed by birth. This was the beginning of the rigid, unequal caste hierarchy that continues today.

I was born a Brahmin, but my profession is completely different. By the original rules, I should not be treated as a Brahmin at all — yet society still labels me that way. Honestly, it doesn’t offend me; in fact, I sometimes enjoy the benefits of belonging to a higher caste. But when I think of those born into lower castes, I feel disturbed. Even today, many people who have transformed their lives through education or good jobs are still judged by their caste rather than their achievements.

The reality is harsh: wealth can often protect lower-caste individuals from discrimination, but poverty leaves them exposed to the worst of caste-based cruelty. For example, the former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, a Dalit woman, rose to power and commanded respect from people who would never dare to mistreat her publicly. Yet at the village level, Dalits still face exclusion from public services, discrimination in schools, and social humiliation.

One group I learned about deeply is the Doam community, whose traditional role is helping with cremations. I worked with them three years ago and saw firsthand how badly they are treated. They are considered “untouchable” in society — denied access to common wells, pumps, and even schools. Nobody will accept food or water touched by them. But when I studied Hindu traditions more closely, I realized this stigma is a complete distortion. Hinduism does describe temporary ritual impurity — for example, anyone who attends a funeral becomes untouchable until they bathe. I have experienced this myself many times. But by that logic, Doms should only be untouchable while performing cremation duties — not permanently. Society has twisted this practice into something cruel and irrational.

The cruelty sometimes reaches shocking levels. On 24 September 2010, I read an article in Amar Ujala about a Dalit woman who offered a roti to a dog. The dog’s owner, a Yadav man, became furious and declared his dog “untouchable” because it had eaten food from a Dalit’s hand. A Panchayat meeting was called, and unbelievably, they ruled that the woman had to take ownership of the dog and pay a fine of ₹15,000 to the owner. How could a poor woman afford that? And how could a Panchayat — a government-recognized body with legal power — make such a decision in the first place?

Even worse, when the woman went to file a complaint at the police station, the officers refused to register it and instead scolded her for feeding the dog. She went to the DIG and again her complaint was ignored. Only when she approached the SC/ST DSP office was the case registered — and I am almost certain no real action will be taken. At best, they might hush it up because the media got involved.

Incidents like this shake me. Are we really living in the 21st century India we are so proud of? Is this the same India we call the world’s fastest-growing economy, a rising superpower? Is this the same land of Lord Rama, who lovingly ate food offered by Sabari, a woman from an “untouchable” caste, or bowed to a boatman from a so-called lower community?

Sometimes, it feels like we are stuck in two worlds — one that dreams of becoming a global power, and another that refuses to let go of ancient prejudices.

Times of India also reported this news.

Scanned article of Amar Ujala Hindi newspaper. 24/09/10

Financial Times article on Untouchables

I worked with Mr. Jo Johnson, the South Asia Bureau Chief of the Financial Times, as a local assistant and translator. He was accompanied by a photographer named Tom Pietrasik. They were in search of 24-year-olds, particularly from the Musahar community. The age of 24 was significant because it is the typical age when Indians enter professional life. The Mushahars were of particular interest due to their status as untouchables in rural India. They survive by collecting long pepper leaves (Pipal), making bowls from them, and selling them in the market.

The Musahar community near the Coke plant had also been affected by the issues caused by the plant, making them ideal subjects for their interviews. Joseph and Tom were scheduled to arrive at Taj Hotel, Varanasi, at 11 a.m., but their flight was delayed, so I had to wait for over two hours. I finally met them at 1 p.m., and we decided to head to Mehndiganj, as we were already running late. Mr. Nandlal Master, who leads the movement against Coca-Cola in Varanasi, was supposed to meet us but had to travel to Ballia for urgent work.

He arranged for Urmila Didi to accompany us to the Mushahar village and assist with the interviews. Our first stop was a village near Mehndiganj where we interviewed a 24-year-old man. We initially met him at his farm but decided to move the interview to his home for a better understanding of his livelihood. After the interview, Tom wanted to take photographs of him. He took several pictures at the home but also wanted to capture images at his workplace. Tom meticulously adjusted angles and backgrounds, which, though professional, made the interviewee feel uncomfortable.

He confided in me that he felt like he was being treated as a spectacle, but I managed to persuade him to cooperate with Tom and Joseph’s requests. Next, we visited a Mushahar community. Although we were looking for 24-year-olds, most people didn’t know their exact birthdates. Eventually, a family pointed us to a 24-year-old woman, whom we interviewed. Tom repeated his approach of taking numerous photos, which, once again, upset both the woman and the community. Despite this, we completed our interviews for the day and returned home.

The following day, I met Tom at Assi Ghat, and we did a boat ride from Assi Ghat to Manikarnika and back. Tom took many photos and asked me about the funeral process. After the boat ride, Tom went back to his hotel, and I returned home. Later, I met them again at Taj Hotel, but they decided not to conduct any more interviews, as they were satisfied with the previous day’s work. Instead, they chose to explore the city. Tom wanted to stay an extra day in Varanasi to do more photography at the Ghats. Mr. Joseph wanted to visit the Ghats as well, so I accompanied him to Assi Ghat, where he chose to explore alone.

I left him there and went in search of a hotel for Tom. Due to the tourist season, most hotels were fully booked. After visiting more than 15 hotels, I finally found an available room near Shivala with air conditioning, and I booked it for Tom. The next day, I met Tom at his hotel at 4 a.m., and we spent over seven hours at Dashashwamedh Ghat. Tom took numerous photographs throughout the day. By the end of the day, Tom departed for Delhi, and my work with the Financial Times concluded.